EAI는 아시아 지역의 민주적 거버넌스와 인권 증진에 관련된 연구를 진행하기 위해 2013년 11월 아시아민주주의연구네트워크(Asia Democracy Research Network: ADRN)를 발족했다. EAI는 국내 싱크탱크의 대표기관인 동시에 아시아 지역 싱크탱크의 직능대표로서 소속된 연구기관들의 민주주의 관련 연구지원 및 관리를 담당하고 있다.

ADRN은 아시아 지역이 직면한 민주주의 위협 요인을 분석하고 민주주의 전환 및 공고화에 기여할 수 있는 실무형 연구과제를 논의하고 확산하고자 창립되었다. ADRN은 연구에 기반한 정책 제시를 목표로 아시아 민주주의의 위협 요소와 당면과제를 점검하고 지역적 차원에서 바라보는 민주주의 발전을 위한 실천적 의제를 발굴하고 연구하고 있다. 네트워크에는 한국의 EAI를 비롯하여 대만, 말레이시아, 몽골, 미얀마, 방글라데시, 스리랑카, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 태국, 파키스탄, 필리핀 등 아시아 14개국 22개의 주요 싱크탱크들이 참여하고 있다. 

멀티미디어
Asia Democracy Research Network “Sharing Our Practices for Better Governance” Interview 1

  "어디로 이사하면 좋을까? 살고 싶은 우리 동네 서비스" EAI는 아시아민주주의연구네트워크(Asia Democracy Research Network: ADRN) 활동의 일환으로 “Sharing Our Practices for Better Governance” 시리즈의 첫 번째 인터뷰를 진행하였습니다. 본 인터뷰는 아시아 각국의 굿 거버넌스 사례를 공유하여 민주주의 연대를 강화하자는 취지에서 기획되었습니다. 이에 한국의 굿 거버넌스 사례로 통계지리정보에 기반한 거주지 추천 서비스인 “살고 싶은 우리 동네”를 선정하였습니다. 실제 서비스의 정책적 입안과 시행을 담당하고 있는 통계청의 오승찬 공간정보서비스과 통계서비스 정책관과의 인터뷰를 통해 “살고 싶은 우리 동네” 서비스가 무엇인지 알아보고, 또 담당자로서 겪었던 어려움과 극복 사례, 그리고 해당 정책의 장점과 향후 발전 방향에 대해 알아 봅니다. “살고 싶은 우리 동네” 서비스는 공공데이터를 활용하여 실제 국민 생활의 향상에 기여한다는 점에서 ‘정부 3.0’의 취지에 잘 부합하는 사례로 평가됩니다. ADRN에는 현재 한국의 EAI를 비롯하여, 대만, 말레이시아, 몽고, 미얀마, 방글라데시, 스리랑카, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 태국, 파키스탄, 필리핀 등 아시아 13개국 19개의 주요 싱크탱크들이 참여하고 있습니다.

오승찬, 통계청 2017-05-10조회 : 9595
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] Empowering Think Tanks and Encouraging Democratization

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract The effectiveness of development assistance has been one of the main issues of foreign aid communities. Unorganized or blindly directed aid has just a temporary effect, which can-not change the situation and may even reinforce the asymmetric structure between the North and the South. Therefore, donors have sought solutions for constructing an environment of sustainable development. Against this backdrop, this paper presents a new example of development assistance which primarily includes considerations of effectiveness, private-private cooperation, a focus on human development, encouragement for better governance, development assistance for politics, and a practical model of trilateral cooperation. The East Asia Institute (EAI) has been carrying out a development program focused on the promotion of democratization in Myanmar with financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) since 2015, the title of which is “Building Civil Society Capacity in Myanmar through Budget Monitoring.” Therefore, this paper attempts to discuss the requirements and conditions for a successful triangular approach, while presenting EAI’s experiences with its partners in this democracy promotion project as a model for future aid projects.           Quotes from the Paper   “Trilateral development cooperation can be regarded as a supplementary approach to the traditional bilateral form of foreign aid between donor and recipient in order to encourage effective aid delivery and secure sustainable development in developing countries. As indicated by the name, trilateral cooperation involves three actors; a traditional donor, usually from the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC), an emerging donor in the North or South, and a beneficiary country in the South.”   “The trilateral development cooperation is a new model, but it will not substitute for the traditional form of development cooperation between the North and South. The trilateral format is a complementary approach to promote aid effectiveness and sustainable development. Trilateral cooperation has risks which should be addressed and overcome to ensure a successful performance. These risks stem from the unique composition of the triangle, which differs from the traditional form of bilateral cooperation.”   “The role of think tanks in civil society can be found in its basic function of providing knowledge for good governance. Think tanks are devoted to producing ideas for policy recommendations, disseminating these ideas to the public, and pushing policy makers to adopt their ideas when devising policies. These activities are based on a detailed diagnosis of the current problems facing society and groundbreaking research that allows think tanks to put forward potential solutions to these problems. Along with their mission and expertise, experienced scholars and experts participate in idea exchanges and the think tank production cycle.”   “EAI’s program in Myanmar is not a perfect model. Despite this, it provides a successful example of a new type of development cooperation, with a trilateral composition, assistance to civil society, a strategic approach targeting CSOs for democracy promotion, and private-private cooperation. Along with liberation measures, a great number of resources have flowed into Myanmar from abroad from both governments and private sources. These inputs are certainly building the ground for development in Myanmar. For balanced development in both politics and the economy, which is a prerequisite for sustainable development, assistance for democracy and good governance should be continued and strengthened.”      

Young-Hwan Shin 2016-11-27조회 : 9676
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] Civic Space under Siege: Experiences from South Asia

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract Presently, all of the countries of South Asia have democratic governments, but in many of them, governance is not truly democratic. It is a disturbing paradox in the region that the more vigorous South Asian democracy is, the more dysfunctional it becomes. Across the region, democracy has been weakened, corruption has increased, and the rights of citizens are denied. Against this backdrop, freedom of expression, association, and assembly defines the boundaries of the civic space within which civil society can function. Efforts to limit such freedoms must therefore be regarded as a challenge to all democratic governments and to regional and global cooperation – and must be stopped. It is within this context that this paper seeks to understand the state of civic space in the democratic states of South Asia. In this paper, authors seek to draw upon factual evidence to examine the degree of realization of three fundamental rights: the right to association, the right to peaceful assembly, and the right to freedom of expression in the South Asian context.           Quotes from the Paper   “Despite the increasing international response, civil society is still losing space in many South Asian countries. Just as restrictive legal environments around the world increased after the Color Revolutions in some former Soviet countries, the Arab Spring of 2011 triggered a new wave of restrictive measures against popular uprisings, public movements, and civic associations. This proliferation of legal restrictions imposed on civil society continues around the world while adding to the more traditional forms of repression, such as imprisonment, harassment, disappearances, and executions.”   “The issue of shrinking and closing spaces for civil society must be added to the agenda of national parliaments, multilateral organizations, and international negotiation processes. Freedom of expression, association, and assembly are the essence of democracy. Efforts to limit such          

Kaustuv Bandyopadhyay, Kaustuv Chakrabarti 2016-11-27조회 : 10009
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] The Current State of South Korea’s Democracy

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.   Abstract For students of democratization, the experience of South Korea has been an example of how a nation can successfully transition to and consolidate democracy. However, a number of recent scholarly efforts have begun to lose faith in this assessment, disputing the promises of South Korea’s democracy. This paper endeavors to contribute to an understanding of the current state of South Korea’s democracy by examining the empirical foundations of the debate. According to Jung Kim, the erosion of democracy in South Korea has core roots. First, the erosion of democratic authenticity has originated from the decay of freedom of expression. Second, erosion of the liberal quality of democracy is attributed to the decay of judicial constraints on the executive branch. Third, erosion of the participatory quality of democracy is traced to the decay of participation in civil society. Fourth, the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy is caused by the decay of engaged society. Lastly, the erosion of democratic depth has its foundations in the increasing inequality in the distribution of resources. The paper concludes that South Korea’s democracy today is in an extremely perilous position from a comparative perspective across nations as well as over time in every dimension of democracy.         Quotes from the Paper   “All in all, South Korea’s place among advanced industrial democracies falls short of our expectations in all dimensions of democratic authenticity, quality, and depth. Out of 34 OECD countries, South Korea ranks 29th in democratic authenticity, 30th in the liberal quality of its democracy, 30th in the participatory quality of its democracy, 29th in the deliberative quality of its democracy, and 28th in democratic depth. In every dimension of democracy, South Korea is one of the six countries–Hungary, Israel, Mexico, Slovakia, and Turkey–that are consistently ranked at the bottom.”   “All in all, since South Korea’s democratic transition in 1987, the nation’s democracy improved considerably in terms of authenticity, quality, and depth up until the late 2000s. Since then, it has substantively worsened in every measurable dimension of democracy, falling back to the level of the early 1990s.”   “It also reveals a consistent downward trend across every dimension of democracy in South Korea over the past ten years: the decay of the freedom of expression critically affects the erosion of democratic authenticity; the decay of judicial constraints on the executive is the main source of the erosion of the liberal quality of democracy; the decay of civil society participation has a significant bearing on the erosion of the participatory quality of democracy; the decay of engaged society is a critical factor in the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy; and the increasingly unequal distribution of resources is the primary cause of the erosion of democratic depth. In short, it seems as though today South Korea’s democracy has arrived at its most hazardous juncture since its inauguration thirty years ago.”        

Jung Kim 2016-11-27조회 : 10891