EAI는 아시아 지역의 민주적 거버넌스와 인권 증진에 관련된 연구를 진행하기 위해 2013년 11월 아시아민주주의연구네트워크(Asia Democracy Research Network: ADRN)를 발족했다. EAI는 국내 싱크탱크의 대표기관인 동시에 아시아 지역 싱크탱크의 직능대표로서 소속된 연구기관들의 민주주의 관련 연구지원 및 관리를 담당하고 있다.

ADRN은 아시아 지역이 직면한 민주주의 위협 요인을 분석하고 민주주의 전환 및 공고화에 기여할 수 있는 실무형 연구과제를 논의하고 확산하고자 창립되었다. ADRN은 연구에 기반한 정책 제시를 목표로 아시아 민주주의의 위협 요소와 당면과제를 점검하고 지역적 차원에서 바라보는 민주주의 발전을 위한 실천적 의제를 발굴하고 연구하고 있다. 네트워크에는 한국의 EAI를 비롯하여 대만, 말레이시아, 몽골, 미얀마, 방글라데시, 스리랑카, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 태국, 파키스탄, 필리핀 등 아시아 14개국 22개의 주요 싱크탱크들이 참여하고 있다. 

멀티미디어
Asia Democracy Research Network “Sharing Our Practices for Better Governance” Interview 1

  "어디로 이사하면 좋을까? 살고 싶은 우리 동네 서비스" EAI는 아시아민주주의연구네트워크(Asia Democracy Research Network: ADRN) 활동의 일환으로 “Sharing Our Practices for Better Governance” 시리즈의 첫 번째 인터뷰를 진행하였습니다. 본 인터뷰는 아시아 각국의 굿 거버넌스 사례를 공유하여 민주주의 연대를 강화하자는 취지에서 기획되었습니다. 이에 한국의 굿 거버넌스 사례로 통계지리정보에 기반한 거주지 추천 서비스인 “살고 싶은 우리 동네”를 선정하였습니다. 실제 서비스의 정책적 입안과 시행을 담당하고 있는 통계청의 오승찬 공간정보서비스과 통계서비스 정책관과의 인터뷰를 통해 “살고 싶은 우리 동네” 서비스가 무엇인지 알아보고, 또 담당자로서 겪었던 어려움과 극복 사례, 그리고 해당 정책의 장점과 향후 발전 방향에 대해 알아 봅니다. “살고 싶은 우리 동네” 서비스는 공공데이터를 활용하여 실제 국민 생활의 향상에 기여한다는 점에서 ‘정부 3.0’의 취지에 잘 부합하는 사례로 평가됩니다. ADRN에는 현재 한국의 EAI를 비롯하여, 대만, 말레이시아, 몽고, 미얀마, 방글라데시, 스리랑카, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 태국, 파키스탄, 필리핀 등 아시아 13개국 19개의 주요 싱크탱크들이 참여하고 있습니다.

오승찬, 통계청 2017-05-10조회 : 9494
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] Gender Differences in Support for Democracy and Political Participation in Thailand

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.   Abstract This paper looks at the gender dimensions of support for democracy in Thailand, including political participation such as elections, protests, and connects officials at higher level and community leaders. The study finds that both genders are found not to differ in their level of support for democracy, but there are different factors that influence their support for democracy. Moreover, to improve the development of democracy in Thailand, trust in local government corresponded with greater support for democracy among both genders and decentralization efforts should be strengthened. To develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision-making.         Quotes from the Paper     “With the interest in Thai democratization and gender perspectives, we , therefore, would like to study whether Thai women really commit to democracy and participate less in politics than men or not. Are the perspectives on democracy matter? Is there different level of commitment to or support for democracy between men and women? The extent of support for democracy in Thailand as well as the factors affecting such support based on gendered dimensions, which occur in the period of survey are also studied.”       “In 2010, low levels of political trust and electoral participation and high levels of following political news correlated with higher levels of support for democracy for women. In the same year, high levels of political trust and low levels of social trust and perceptions of corruption and bribery in local government correlated with higher levels of democratic support among men. However, in 2014 the factors affecting women’s support for democracy disappeared. In addition, this paper found that in 2014 men were more likely to participate in elections, while women were more likely to engage in forms of Unconventional Political Participation.”       “…in order to develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision making.”            

Thawilwadee Bureekul, Ratchawadee Sangmahamad 2016-11-27조회 : 9753
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] The Current State of South Korea’s Democracy

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.   Abstract For students of democratization, the experience of South Korea has been an example of how a nation can successfully transition to and consolidate democracy. However, a number of recent scholarly efforts have begun to lose faith in this assessment, disputing the promises of South Korea’s democracy. This paper endeavors to contribute to an understanding of the current state of South Korea’s democracy by examining the empirical foundations of the debate. According to Jung Kim, the erosion of democracy in South Korea has core roots. First, the erosion of democratic authenticity has originated from the decay of freedom of expression. Second, erosion of the liberal quality of democracy is attributed to the decay of judicial constraints on the executive branch. Third, erosion of the participatory quality of democracy is traced to the decay of participation in civil society. Fourth, the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy is caused by the decay of engaged society. Lastly, the erosion of democratic depth has its foundations in the increasing inequality in the distribution of resources. The paper concludes that South Korea’s democracy today is in an extremely perilous position from a comparative perspective across nations as well as over time in every dimension of democracy.         Quotes from the Paper   “All in all, South Korea’s place among advanced industrial democracies falls short of our expectations in all dimensions of democratic authenticity, quality, and depth. Out of 34 OECD countries, South Korea ranks 29th in democratic authenticity, 30th in the liberal quality of its democracy, 30th in the participatory quality of its democracy, 29th in the deliberative quality of its democracy, and 28th in democratic depth. In every dimension of democracy, South Korea is one of the six countries–Hungary, Israel, Mexico, Slovakia, and Turkey–that are consistently ranked at the bottom.”   “All in all, since South Korea’s democratic transition in 1987, the nation’s democracy improved considerably in terms of authenticity, quality, and depth up until the late 2000s. Since then, it has substantively worsened in every measurable dimension of democracy, falling back to the level of the early 1990s.”   “It also reveals a consistent downward trend across every dimension of democracy in South Korea over the past ten years: the decay of the freedom of expression critically affects the erosion of democratic authenticity; the decay of judicial constraints on the executive is the main source of the erosion of the liberal quality of democracy; the decay of civil society participation has a significant bearing on the erosion of the participatory quality of democracy; the decay of engaged society is a critical factor in the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy; and the increasingly unequal distribution of resources is the primary cause of the erosion of democratic depth. In short, it seems as though today South Korea’s democracy has arrived at its most hazardous juncture since its inauguration thirty years ago.”        

Jung Kim 2016-11-27조회 : 10795
워킹페이퍼
[ADRN 워킹페이퍼] Civic Space under Siege: Experiences from South Asia

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract Presently, all of the countries of South Asia have democratic governments, but in many of them, governance is not truly democratic. It is a disturbing paradox in the region that the more vigorous South Asian democracy is, the more dysfunctional it becomes. Across the region, democracy has been weakened, corruption has increased, and the rights of citizens are denied. Against this backdrop, freedom of expression, association, and assembly defines the boundaries of the civic space within which civil society can function. Efforts to limit such freedoms must therefore be regarded as a challenge to all democratic governments and to regional and global cooperation – and must be stopped. It is within this context that this paper seeks to understand the state of civic space in the democratic states of South Asia. In this paper, authors seek to draw upon factual evidence to examine the degree of realization of three fundamental rights: the right to association, the right to peaceful assembly, and the right to freedom of expression in the South Asian context.           Quotes from the Paper   “Despite the increasing international response, civil society is still losing space in many South Asian countries. Just as restrictive legal environments around the world increased after the Color Revolutions in some former Soviet countries, the Arab Spring of 2011 triggered a new wave of restrictive measures against popular uprisings, public movements, and civic associations. This proliferation of legal restrictions imposed on civil society continues around the world while adding to the more traditional forms of repression, such as imprisonment, harassment, disappearances, and executions.”   “The issue of shrinking and closing spaces for civil society must be added to the agenda of national parliaments, multilateral organizations, and international negotiation processes. Freedom of expression, association, and assembly are the essence of democracy. Efforts to limit such          

Kaustuv Bandyopadhyay, Kaustuv Chakrabarti 2016-11-27조회 : 9907