EAI는 아시아 지역의 민주적 거버넌스와 인권 증진에 관련된 연구를 진행하기 위해 2013년 11월 아시아민주주의연구네트워크(Asia Democracy Research Network: ADRN)를 발족했다. EAI는 국내 싱크탱크의 대표기관인 동시에 아시아 지역 싱크탱크의 직능대표로서 소속된 연구기관들의 민주주의 관련 연구지원 및 관리를 담당하고 있다.

ADRN은 아시아 지역이 직면한 민주주의 위협 요인을 분석하고 민주주의 전환 및 공고화에 기여할 수 있는 실무형 연구과제를 논의하고 확산하고자 창립되었다. ADRN은 연구에 기반한 정책 제시를 목표로 아시아 민주주의의 위협 요소와 당면과제를 점검하고 지역적 차원에서 바라보는 민주주의 발전을 위한 실천적 의제를 발굴하고 연구하고 있다. 네트워크에는 한국의 EAI를 비롯하여 대만, 말레이시아, 몽골, 미얀마, 방글라데시, 스리랑카, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 태국, 파키스탄, 필리핀 등 아시아 14개국 22개의 주요 싱크탱크들이 참여하고 있다. 

워킹페이퍼
[워킹페이퍼] Discovering the Missing Layer

.a_wrap {font-size:14px; font-family:Nanum Gothic, Sans-serif, Arial; line-height:20px;} Introduction Over the past eight years, three shifts in Myanmar’s democratic transition have taken place: (1) from unitary to federal (2) from centralization to decentralization and (3) from centralized local governance to decentralized local governance in extant. After 2010, Myanmar became a guided democracy with a quasi-civilian government that combines military and elected persons at every level of administration accordance with the Constitution. The presidential decree made in 2012 can also be recognized as the initial step of local democracy, governance and services. In other words, it can be claimed that local elections and weak decentralization created few spaces for citizens in local level governance. As a consequence, some local governance bodies give some spaces to allow citizen participation in local democracy and services.  However, local democracy in a federal democracy context remains to be clearly articulated because the government, ethnic armed organizations, and the military do not have a general consensus in the building of the state. Federalism and democracy are becoming a serious concern of the people of Myanmar in the ongoing transition process. The new thinking in local governance in federal sys-tem emphasizes the division of power between federal and state governments. A proposition to recognize the Federal government and full competence of State governments is expected to be forthcoming in the future. The study of local government in federal sys-tems (third layer government) will be essential to the study as a part of state building. This article primarily intends to understand the nature of true self-local government. In addition, it offers a comparison of local governments and examines how local self-governance has been practiced in federal states through case studies. For those who are willing to pursue the transformation to democracy and a federal sys-tem, this paper aims to contribute knowledge of the concept of local self-government in a federal sys-tem, what kind of functions and power local governments have, how they emerged the need to maintain intergovernmental relations between states, and how they lead to long lasting democracy across the world. In addition, considering local self-governance in a federal context will certainly be helpful to the future of the country.   Table of Contents This paper is organized in four parts as follows: 1. Understanding Local Self-government 2. Local Governments in Federal Sys-tems 3. Analyzing the Structure of the Current Administration Sys-tem 4. The Local Government Model Envisioned by Myanmar’s Ethnic Minority Groups   Author The Salween Institute blends objective analysis and hands-on community empowerment programs to frame policy debate and help shape public policy in Burma/Myanmar based on social justice, environmental responsibilities and ethnic right to self-determination.    

Salween Institute for Public Policy 2018-12-21조회 : 8706
워킹페이퍼
[스페셜리포트] State of Democracy in Asia Report

Introduction  The State of Democracy in Asia Report aims to evaluate the current state of democracy in this dynamically growing region by providing perspectives and insights from Asian experts. The report investigates pressing, contemporary issues such as: Is democracy in Asia really receding? In what areas has democracy tangibly improved? How can democracy be strengthened?  Drawing on a rich array of resources and data, this report offers country-specific analysis, highlights areas of improvement, strengths and vulnerabilities to provide a snapshot of the state of democracy in Asia today.    Quotes from the Paper  “It is important to remember that democracy is a process, not an end goal in itself, and South Korea is still marching down the path toward deepening the quality of democracy. This report pinpoints those components of democracy that are currently at risk owing to global trends and governance, providing policymakers, academics, and citizens alike with a comprehensive assessment and guide for the future.” – East Asia Institute “Democratic governance has been strengthened by a functioning political sys-tem. The executive and judiciary have been strong and continue to contribute to the strengthening of the democratic fabric of the country. Challenges remain with regard to overcoming exclusions in society, the polity, and the economy. The full realization of citizenship rights for women, Dalits, tribal members, and minorities continues to be problematic” - Society for Participatory Research in Asia “Since the reformation in 1998, Indonesia’s democratization process has expanded and deepened in many ways. Indonesia’s democracy can be argued to be one of the most stable and solidly progressing in the region. (…) The biggest challenges stem from two major issues. The first is rampant corruption and the second is the problem of identity politics, or the politicization of religious and ethnic issues.” – Centre for Strategic and International Studies Indonesia “The Geron NPO (…) has conducted a questionnaire survey of Japanese intellectuals as part of its preparations. (…) A nearly identical 47% replied that democracy is “not functioning appropriately” and “somewhat not functioning appropriately.” (…) Among a host of replies, 46% said that “winning elections is the primary concern and politicians are not squarely facing their tasks,” and 40% pointed out the “inability of journalism (or media organizations) to serve as a watchdog over politics and a provider of venues for sound debate.” – Genron NPO “The year 2015 was the 25th anniversary of Mongolia’s first multiparty universal elections, and it was the year in which Mongolian democracy reached adulthood. (…) However, twenty-five years represents only about 1% of Mongolia’s over two millennia of statehood. For a nation whose monarchy had lasted so long and who had experienced 70 years of communist rule, democratization was a giant leap.” – Academy of Political Education “While effecting significant change in two national elections in 2015, Sri Lanka faces the both daunting and exciting prospect of restoring governance to all of its peoples with meaningful reconciliation and unity. From constitutional reform to transitional justice and fundamental economic reforms, a host of challenges created and sustained by sys-temic defects as well as the bad governance and criminality of successive governments must be overcome.” – Centre for Policy Alternatives “Democracy in Taiwan performs quite well in various aspects including free elections, the rule of law, freedom of the press, political participation, anti-corruption, and the protection of minority rights. There are some aspects where the functioning of democracy can be improved. The first one concerns the legacy of the authoritarian regime. (…) The second aspect concerns democratic values, which are an important but often omitted issue. (…) The third issue concerns political polarization.” – Asian Barometer & Academia Sinica “Thailand is among many countries that oscillate between democratic and non-democratic governance. Absolute monarchy ended in 1932 and Thailand became a constitutional monarchy with a Prime Minister as the head of the government and a hereditary monarch as the head of state. However, democratic transition is ongoing and has yet to be consolidated.” – King Prajadhipok’s Institute   Authors  Various researchers from East Asia Institute, Society for Participatory Research in Asia, Centre for Strategic and International Studies Indonesia, Genron NPO, Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs, Academy of Political Education, Centre for Policy Alternatives, Asian Barometer & Academia Sinica, and King Prajadhipok’s Institute contributed to the research and writing of each report.     

East Asia Institute; Society for Participatory Research in Asia; Centre for Strategic and International Studies Indonesia; Genron NPO; Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs; Academy of Political Education; Centre for Policy Alternatives; Asian Barometer & Academia Sinica; King Prajadhipok’s Institute 2018-04-12조회 : 8545