Introduction  In 2016, Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) selected corruption, shrinking civic space, and gender inequality as the common challenges across Asia that continue to plague and work against deepening the quality of democracy.  Against this background, ADRN published this special report to evaluate the current state of gender equality in the region by studying the strengths and weaknesses of each country’s mechanisms including law and regulations, public participation, and public governance. The report investigates pressing, contemporary questions such as: What is the state of gender equality in Asia? To what extent has each country achieved the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on gender equality? How can gender equality in Asia be strengthened? Drawing on a rich array of resources and data, this report offers country-specific analyses, highlights areas of improvement, and suggests policy recommendations for strengthening gender equality in Asia. Quotes from the Paper  “Women have a lower participation rate than men in politics and occupy fewer decision-making positions. The most important reason for these differences is people’s values. The majority of people do not accept women as leaders, especially in decision-making positions. Thai culture also gives women the responsibility of caring for their families, including child-raising duties. Thus, they do not have adequate time or opportunity to participate in social activities. (…) There are several mechanisms used to promote gender equality such as laws, policy, and the latest constitution. (…) The constitutional framework works to strengthen gender equality, but in terms of translating law and policy into practice there is still a big gap." - King Prajadhipok’s Institute "Taiwan has pursued gender equality for almost three decades. (…) Yet, in this Sustainable Development Goals 5 review, a number of issues have been identified as targets for improvement, such as some regulations in urgent need of revision, the cultivation of a gender-friendly culture in various spheres including the corporate world, and the full implementation of gender equality policies. Taiwan is quite unique in terms of the enthusiastic involvement of numerous NGOs in its gender equality campaign. (…) Taiwan's government is also genuinely sincere in its efforts to comply with international practices of scheduled reviews on various covenants to fulfill the objectives within each agreement." - Taiwan Foundation for Democracy "The threats to democracy presented in this paper are directly related to women's capacity (or lack thereof) to attain equality and non-discrimination. (…) Advocates recognize that moving forward towards gender equality is an ongoing struggle. Challenges include not only influencing policymakers, institutionalizing gains, and ensuring real implementation of laws and policies, but also strengthening women's groups by continuing to organize, build alliances, sharpen their strategies, and consolidate their ranks." - The International Center for Innovation, Transformation and Excellence in Governance "Under Pakistan's Constitution, domestic laws, and international commitments, it is the duty of the State to investigate and prosecute violence against women as an obligation towards women’s rights. (…) Increasing the availability of shelters for at-risk women and holding State parties accountable for the failure to act with due diligence in cases of women's rights violations are the first steps needed ensure gender-sensitive rights to life and physical and mental integrity." - Jinnah Institute Authors  Various researchers from King Prajadhipok’s Institute, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, International Center for Innovation, Transformation and Excellence in Governance, and Jinnah Institute contributed to the research and writing of each report.  EAI provided support in the form of typesetting and proofreading for the production of the reports.

Introduction  In 2016, Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) selected corruption, shrinking civic space, and gender inequality as the common challenges across Asia that continue to plague and work against deepening the quality of democracy. Against this background, ADRN published this special report to evaluate the current state of shrinking civic space in the region by studying the strengths and weaknesses of each country’s mechanisms including law and regulations, public participation, and public governance. The report investigates pressing, contemporary questions such as: What evidences suggest shrinking of civic space in Asia? What successes and failures has each country experienced in protecting civic space? What lessons can be drawn to suggest policy actions for expanding civic space? Drawing on a rich array of resources and data, this report offers country-specific analysis, highlights areas of improvement, and suggests policy recommendations for ensuring civic space in Asia.   Quotes from the Paper  "In recent decades, India has proven itself capable not only of preserving democracy, but of deepening and broadening it by moving to a more inclusive brand of politics. (…) However, there has been pushback against the progress made in terms of civic engagement. (…) This marks the need for the government to amplify its policy effort to create spaces where citizens may interact freely and peacefully." – Society for Participatory Research in Asia "The situation of civic spaces in Sri Lanka over the last decade can be categorized under two distinct time periods: from 2007 until 2015 and from 2015 to the present. (…) During the first period, there was an observable shrinking of civic spaces in Sri Lanka and notable threats to fundamental rights and freedoms. (…) The initiation of the second time period saw an inverse expansion of civic spaces and greater latitude for citizens to exercise fundamental rights and freedoms. However, this period has not seen the complete removal of prior threats to civic spaces. Whilst the government itself is not seen to violate these rights as egregiously as before, it has also allowed the country's culture of impunity to continue without meaningfully reinforcing or safeguarding these rights." - Centre for Policy Alternatives "Government actions that impede and discourage civil society organizations from functioning independently will only add to the burden of the government. Such government actions are seen as a violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed by Pakistan's own constitution and the international conventions to which the country is a party. It is important that the government recognize the role of civil society and promote a culture of cooperation and trust rather than an environment of hostility." - South Asia Partnership Pakistan "All in all, the rising social divide affects the performance of democracy in various dimensions in Taiwan. The social divide has historical roots, but the China factor plays a decisive role in aggravating it. The China factor includes the rising political and military power of China, the more conservative and authoritarian trend of President Xi's term, and ongoing cross-strait economic integration that may hurt some low-skilled laborers in Taiwan. (…) As direct and indirect threats on civil society are both closely related to political developments in China, Taiwan cannot effectively solve the dilemma by itself without changes in China’s political system." - Asian Barometer & Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica "The Philippine government is legally required to create conditions - economic, political, social, cultural, and legal - that actively support the ability and capacity of individuals and/or associations to engage in civic activities." - DLSU Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance "Despite the National League Democracy’s landslide victory in the 2015 general election and its efforts in the democratization process, the national reconciliation and 2008 constitution pose barriers, and civic space is still curbed in the country. (…) There are many limitations and restrictions to fight against before ample civic space can be realized in the country." – Yangon School of Political Science   Authors  Various researchers from Society for Participatory Research in Asia, Centre for Policy Alternatives South Asia Partnership Pakistan, Asian Barometer & Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica DLSU Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance, and Yangon School of Political Science contributed to the research and writing of each report. EAI provided support in the form of typesetting and proofreading for the production of the reports.    

Introduction  In 2016, Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) selected corruption, shrinking civic space, and gender inequality as the common challenges across Asia that continue to plague and work against deepening the quality of democracy.  Against this background, ADRN published this special report to evaluate the current state of corruption in the region by studying the strengths and weaknesses of each country’s mechanisms including law and regulations, public participation, and public governance. The report investigates pressing, contemporary questions such as: What is the state of corruption in Asia? What successes and failures has each country experienced in controlling corruption? How can state of corruption in Asia be improved? Drawing on a rich array of resources and data, this report offers country-specific analysis, highlights areas of improvement, and suggests policy recommendations for clean governance in Asia.   Quotes from the Paper  “South Korea poses a corruption paradox. A large number of Koreans believe that the country is corrupt, but few Koreans have had the experience of paying a bribe. Instead, corruption in South Korea is perceived to exist at the institutional level; president, national assembly, police, tax officials, judiciary, and other public officials are deemed to be corrupt.” – East Asia Institute “This paper aims to make the argument that this increasing level of corruption has resulted in dwindling public trust in the ruling government. (…) The voting trends of the previous two elections are significant indicators of an increasing public demand for higher levels of accountability and transparency in government.” - Institute for Democracy and Economic Affair “Mongolia is a country where politics, especially involving top government officials, plays an almost-too-important role in all sectors. As a result, government policies and actions are failing to serve as a good governance model. (…) Mongolia must resolve its issues concerning institutionalization in the public sector, activation of civil society, and current economic conditions.” – Academy of Political Education “Public pressure for action against corruption has failed to translate into a stronger system of accountability for corruption by the executive. (…) In this context, strengthening horizontal accountability in Sri Lanka will entail enhancing the structural and operational autonomy of anti-corruption institutions from the executive.” - Verité Research “Pakistan has experimented with a number of models to address the menace of white-collar corruption. One major weakness in the laws controlling these institutions was the unbridled power of the ruling party to appoint and remove the heads of these institutions. A major improvement in the law governing the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) was introduced through the National Accountability Ordinance of 2002 when the appointment of the NAB Chairman was required to be made through a bipartisan process involving consultation with the Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly.” - Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency “The overarching issues of political independence; protection of witnesses, complainants and victims; public participation in anti-corruption measures; and providing anti-corruption education to the public must be given priority in reforming anti-corruption institutions in Myanmar.” - Sandhi Governance Institute   Authors  Various researchers from East Asia Institute, Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs, Academy of Political Education, Verité Research, Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, and Sandhi Governance Institute contributed to the research and writing of each report.  EAI provided support in the form of typesetting and proofreading for the production of the reports.    

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract The effectiveness of development assistance has been one of the main issues of foreign aid communities. Unorganized or blindly directed aid has just a temporary effect, which can-not change the situation and may even reinforce the asymmetric structure between the North and the South. Therefore, donors have sought solutions for constructing an environment of sustainable development. Against this backdrop, this paper presents a new example of development assistance which primarily includes considerations of effectiveness, private-private cooperation, a focus on human development, encouragement for better governance, development assistance for politics, and a practical model of trilateral cooperation. The East Asia Institute (EAI) has been carrying out a development program focused on the promotion of democratization in Myanmar with financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) since 2015, the title of which is “Building Civil Society Capacity in Myanmar through Budget Monitoring.” Therefore, this paper attempts to discuss the requirements and conditions for a successful triangular approach, while presenting EAI’s experiences with its partners in this democracy promotion project as a model for future aid projects.           Quotes from the Paper   “Trilateral development cooperation can be regarded as a supplementary approach to the traditional bilateral form of foreign aid between donor and recipient in order to encourage effective aid delivery and secure sustainable development in developing countries. As indicated by the name, trilateral cooperation involves three actors; a traditional donor, usually from the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC), an emerging donor in the North or South, and a beneficiary country in the South.”   “The trilateral development cooperation is a new model, but it will not substitute for the traditional form of development cooperation between the North and South. The trilateral format is a complementary approach to promote aid effectiveness and sustainable development. Trilateral cooperation has risks which should be addressed and overcome to ensure a successful performance. These risks stem from the unique composition of the triangle, which differs from the traditional form of bilateral cooperation.”   “The role of think tanks in civil society can be found in its basic function of providing knowledge for good governance. Think tanks are devoted to producing ideas for policy recommendations, disseminating these ideas to the public, and pushing policy makers to adopt their ideas when devising policies. These activities are based on a detailed diagnosis of the current problems facing society and groundbreaking research that allows think tanks to put forward potential solutions to these problems. Along with their mission and expertise, experienced scholars and experts participate in idea exchanges and the think tank production cycle.”   “EAI’s program in Myanmar is not a perfect model. Despite this, it provides a successful example of a new type of development cooperation, with a trilateral composition, assistance to civil society, a strategic approach targeting CSOs for democracy promotion, and private-private cooperation. Along with liberation measures, a great number of resources have flowed into Myanmar from abroad from both governments and private sources. These inputs are certainly building the ground for development in Myanmar. For balanced development in both politics and the economy, which is a prerequisite for sustainable development, assistance for democracy and good governance should be continued and strengthened.”      

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract Presently, all of the countries of South Asia have democratic governments, but in many of them, governance is not truly democratic. It is a disturbing paradox in the region that the more vigorous South Asian democracy is, the more dysfunctional it becomes. Across the region, democracy has been weakened, corruption has increased, and the rights of citizens are denied. Against this backdrop, freedom of expression, association, and assembly defines the boundaries of the civic space within which civil society can function. Efforts to limit such freedoms must therefore be regarded as a challenge to all democratic governments and to regional and global cooperation – and must be stopped. It is within this context that this paper seeks to understand the state of civic space in the democratic states of South Asia. In this paper, authors seek to draw upon factual evidence to examine the degree of realization of three fundamental rights: the right to association, the right to peaceful assembly, and the right to freedom of expression in the South Asian context.           Quotes from the Paper   “Despite the increasing international response, civil society is still losing space in many South Asian countries. Just as restrictive legal environments around the world increased after the Color Revolutions in some former Soviet countries, the Arab Spring of 2011 triggered a new wave of restrictive measures against popular uprisings, public movements, and civic associations. This proliferation of legal restrictions imposed on civil society continues around the world while adding to the more traditional forms of repression, such as imprisonment, harassment, disappearances, and executions.”   “The issue of shrinking and closing spaces for civil society must be added to the agenda of national parliaments, multilateral organizations, and international negotiation processes. Freedom of expression, association, and assembly are the essence of democracy. Efforts to limit such          

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.   Abstract For students of democratization, the experience of South Korea has been an example of how a nation can successfully transition to and consolidate democracy. However, a number of recent scholarly efforts have begun to lose faith in this assessment, disputing the promises of South Korea’s democracy. This paper endeavors to contribute to an understanding of the current state of South Korea’s democracy by examining the empirical foundations of the debate. According to Jung Kim, the erosion of democracy in South Korea has core roots. First, the erosion of democratic authenticity has originated from the decay of freedom of expression. Second, erosion of the liberal quality of democracy is attributed to the decay of judicial constraints on the executive branch. Third, erosion of the participatory quality of democracy is traced to the decay of participation in civil society. Fourth, the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy is caused by the decay of engaged society. Lastly, the erosion of democratic depth has its foundations in the increasing inequality in the distribution of resources. The paper concludes that South Korea’s democracy today is in an extremely perilous position from a comparative perspective across nations as well as over time in every dimension of democracy.         Quotes from the Paper   “All in all, South Korea’s place among advanced industrial democracies falls short of our expectations in all dimensions of democratic authenticity, quality, and depth. Out of 34 OECD countries, South Korea ranks 29th in democratic authenticity, 30th in the liberal quality of its democracy, 30th in the participatory quality of its democracy, 29th in the deliberative quality of its democracy, and 28th in democratic depth. In every dimension of democracy, South Korea is one of the six countries–Hungary, Israel, Mexico, Slovakia, and Turkey–that are consistently ranked at the bottom.”   “All in all, since South Korea’s democratic transition in 1987, the nation’s democracy improved considerably in terms of authenticity, quality, and depth up until the late 2000s. Since then, it has substantively worsened in every measurable dimension of democracy, falling back to the level of the early 1990s.”   “It also reveals a consistent downward trend across every dimension of democracy in South Korea over the past ten years: the decay of the freedom of expression critically affects the erosion of democratic authenticity; the decay of judicial constraints on the executive is the main source of the erosion of the liberal quality of democracy; the decay of civil society participation has a significant bearing on the erosion of the participatory quality of democracy; the decay of engaged society is a critical factor in the erosion of the deliberative quality of democracy; and the increasingly unequal distribution of resources is the primary cause of the erosion of democratic depth. In short, it seems as though today South Korea’s democracy has arrived at its most hazardous juncture since its inauguration thirty years ago.”        

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract This paper looks at the gender dimensions of support for democracy in Thailand, including political participation such as elections, protests, and connects officials at higher level and community leaders. The study finds that both genders are found not to differ in their level of support for democracy, but there are different factors that influence their support for democracy. Moreover, to improve the development of democracy in Thailand, trust in local government corresponded with greater support for democracy among both genders and decentralization efforts should be strengthened. To develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision-making.                 Quotes from the Paper     “With the interest in Thai democratization and gender perspectives, we , therefore, would like to study whether Thai women really commit to democracy and participate less in politics than men or not. Are the perspectives on democracy matter? Is there different level of commitment to or support for democracy between men and women? The extent of support for democracy in Thailand as well as the factors affecting such support based on gendered dimensions, which occur in the period of survey are also studied.”     “In 2010, low levels of political trust and electoral participation and high levels of following political news correlated with higher levels of support for democracy for women. In the same year, high levels of political trust and low levels of social trust and perceptions of corruption and bribery in local government correlated with higher levels of democratic support among men. However, in 2014 the factors affecting women’s support for democracy disappeared. In addition, this paper found that in 2014 men were more likely to participate in elections, while women were more likely to engage in forms of Unconventional Political Participation.”     “…in order to develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision making.”      

This working paper is part of the Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) Working Paper Series for 2015-2016. ADRN is an independent network of democracy research institutions across Asia. It analyzes challenges and tasks facing democracy in the region and expands the scope of action-oriented, policy-driven research that supports the advocacy activities of Asian civil society organizations in promoting, consolidating, and deepening democracy. EAI is currently serving as the ADRN secretariat.     Abstract This paper looks at the gender dimensions of support for democracy in Thailand, including political participation such as elections, protests, and connects officials at higher level and community leaders. The study finds that both genders are found not to differ in their level of support for democracy, but there are different factors that influence their support for democracy. Moreover, to improve the development of democracy in Thailand, trust in local government corresponded with greater support for democracy among both genders and decentralization efforts should be strengthened. To develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision-making.                 Quotes from the Paper     “With the interest in Thai democratization and gender perspectives, we , therefore, would like to study whether Thai women really commit to democracy and participate less in politics than men or not. Are the perspectives on democracy matter? Is there different level of commitment to or support for democracy between men and women? The extent of support for democracy in Thailand as well as the factors affecting such support based on gendered dimensions, which occur in the period of survey are also studied.”     “In 2010, low levels of political trust and electoral participation and high levels of following political news correlated with higher levels of support for democracy for women. In the same year, high levels of political trust and low levels of social trust and perceptions of corruption and bribery in local government correlated with higher levels of democratic support among men. However, in 2014 the factors affecting women’s support for democracy disappeared. In addition, this paper found that in 2014 men were more likely to participate in elections, while women were more likely to engage in forms of Unconventional Political Participation.”     “…in order to develop a democratic regime and motivate people to support democracy, people should participate more and have greater interest in politics, especially women. The way to change their attitudes is to empower women and provide more opportunities to participate in politics and have power in decision making.”